The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) announced in August the opening of the public consultation process to receive input on the proposal for the new Access to Information Policy (PAI). This process will last 150 days and will include asynchronous queries and direct exchanges.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

The Inter-American Development Bank is one of the main multilateral institutions that finances projects in a large part of the Latin American countries. In the IDB’s field of work, transparency and integrity are essential. It is in this area where reforms are promoted that seek to improve the quality of regulations and institutions, as well as expand access to information.

In this sense, the IDB announced a new Access to Information Policy Proposal, which will replace the Bank’s current Access to Information Policy, in force since 2011. It is around this new draft that the public consultation is carried out. , which was launched on August 29 of the current year and will last 150 days.
The objective of the public consultation lies in the possibility of receiving, either in written or verbal form, opinions and inputs from those parties that want to contribute to enriching the quality of the document and the organization’s understanding of the perspectives and perceptions of the various civil society actors regarding access to information on Bank activities in the region.

The period of time stipulated by the procedure is divided into three phases. Initially, in September, three virtual synchronous dialogues were established (in English, Spanish and Portuguese), which will allow the Bank to collect opinions and identify new references that can enrich the new PAI. As of October, the second part of the procedure began, we are talking about the asynchronous consultation phase, which will be available for a period of 90 days, where the final version of the new PAI document will be strengthened. Face-to-face meetings will also be held in Costa Rica (October 25), Uruguay (November 15) and in a Caribbean country not yet defined (November 3). In principle, to participate in the virtual consultation instances, it will be necessary to register in advance on the Virtual Platform for Public Consultation Processes and request access to the consultation. Finally, regarding the third phase, it has a stipulated duration of 30 days throughout the month of March and seeks to inform the participants about the closure of the consultation process and the inputs received and considered, both those that were included as those that were not included in the final version of the policy approved by the Board of Executive Directors.

Since one of our main pillars of work is based on transparency, we have sent a letter, along with other regional civil society organizations, detailing our concerns and recommendations to strengthen and improve the consultation process. They are structured in seven main pillars, among which we can mention: update and organize the information regarding the consultation process in a single place on the IDB website to ensure that all interested parties and affected communities are effectively informed ; incorporate a 30-day public period to submit comments and recommendations to a second draft of the IAP; proactively solicit input from stakeholders to facilitate their participation in consultation processes, so that civil society has the opportunity to shape the debate; eliminate the barriers that exist in the consultation plan to guarantee effective participation, barriers that revolve around, above all, the electronic platform, which is a condition to be able to participate in this instance; confirm and disseminate in advance the calendar with the dates and places of the face-to-face consultations planned for the second phase; open a public comment instance for the implementation guidelines of the future PAI; and, finally, meeting with civil society at the Annual Meeting of the IDB Group in Panama 2023.

In this way, we hope to be able to collaborate with the IDB’s management to ensure that the consultation process is truly fruitful and participatory and that it enables the Bank’s new Access to Information Policy to be strengthened and perfected.

To access the draft of the new policy that is being submitted for public consultation, click here. Comments and suggestions on the draft can be sent to the following email: consultapai@iadb.org

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Author
Valentina Raso

Contact
Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

Within the framework of the current review process of the IDB Access to Information Policy, Fundeps, the Environment and Natural Resources Foundation (FARN) and the CAUCE Foundation: Environmental Culture – Ecological Cause held, on September 29, the webinar “Review of the IDB Access to Information Policy. An opportunity to improve the transparency of the Bank”. The event discussed the shortcomings of the current policy under review, the difficulties in its implementation and the priorities regarding the ongoing public consultation process.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

The Access to Information Policy (PAI) of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) has become outdated. It dates from 2010 and its entry into force is dated 2011. So far it has not been modified, despite the fact that the current context is far from the rights acquired by people from the regulatory advances in terms of citizen participation and access to information and justice. At the end of 2019, the IDB began a review process of its Access to Information Policy that was suspended months later and has recently been reactivated.

In this context, it is necessary to underline that the right to information is a fundamental human right, as a necessary condition for people, communities and organizations to be informed and actively participate in decision-making processes, as well as being a pillar of transparency and accountability.

Based on the above, the webinar was structured in 3 main moments: to begin, the report “Flaws in the Inter-American Development Bank’s Access to Information Policy” was presented, prepared jointly by the 3 organizations mentioned above, which Its objective is to analyze the normative aspects contained in the current PAI and the difficulties in its implementation, the review process initiated and the intended policy profile. Likewise, its shortcomings and recommendations for strengthening the PAI were identified, with the ultimate goal of effectively guaranteeing the right of access to information. Second, the current status of the PAI review process was emphasized. Finally, from the Chilean organization Sustentarse, they commented on experiences and practical cases in Latin America in which it is possible to perceive the shortcomings that the IDB still has in terms of access to information. The webinar ended with questions and reflections from the people who spoke and attended the event.

To view the recorded webinar, click here

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Author

Camila Victoria Bocco

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

On Monday, September 26, following the recommendations of the IDB’s Board of Executive Directors, the Board of Governors decreed the termination of Claver-Carone’s functions as President of the Bank after the violation of various ethical standards of the institution, which marked the opening of a period of 45 days for the countries to propose their candidatures. During this period, the executive vice president, Reina Irene Mejía Chacón, will act as president under the direction of the Executive Board.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Two years ago, in October 2020, Donald Trump promoted the American Mauricio Claver-Carone to the presidency of the IDB. The context was advantageous for Washington as it was the first American presidency since the organization’s creation.

It should be remembered that although the IDB Constitutive Agreement does not establish any conditions in relation to the nationality of the person who should hold the presidency, there is an unwritten rule since its very creation by which the organization must be directed by a person from the region. It was even one of the conditions for which it was finally accepted that the Bank’s headquarters be in Washington DC.

In terms of geopolitics, this strategy constituted the IDB as a vehicle through which the United States could increase its influence in the Latin American region and achieve a balance of institutional power: it could discern regarding the granting and destination of credits by the institution and thus dissipate the presence of other powers in the region, as is the case of the Chinese giant.

The origins of the Claver-Carone impeachment

The Board of Governors’ decision dates back to an anonymous misconduct complaint filed against Claver-Carone. From this, the board hired the legal firm Davis Polk to investigate the facts. As a result of the results of the investigation, the decision was made to dismiss the leader of the institution. Claver-Carone is accused of having maintained a romantic relationship with an employee and of having benefited her financially, which implies the violation of several internal ethical standards of the agency, while the IDB prohibits intimate relationships of superior personnel with direct dependents. The complaint was aggravated by Claver-Carone’s refusal to cooperate fully with the investigation and by creating a climate of fear of retaliation among Bank staff.

In this way, the deficit of legitimacy that accompanied the origins of the Claver-Carone presidency, was combined with a deficit of legitimacy, and today they lead to a crisis of leadership.

In this context, while waiting for the candidacy proposals for the presidency of the IDB, it is worth asking what are the alternatives at the regional and institutional level?

In terms of regionalism, this is an excellent opportunity to renew the (deteriorated) intra-regional dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean and deepen consensus-building practices. In order for the region to obtain an advantage in the presidential elections of the international organization, it should achieve consensus and convergence when choosing candidates. In this way, it would prevent a repetition of the 2020 scenario where having offered several candidacies eroded the chances of winning the elections.

In particular, Brazil could take advantage of this scenario to renew its regional leadership role, as it is one of the Bank’s largest shareholders along with Argentina and the United States, together with almost 53% of the voting power. In any case, the country is currently immersed in the campaign for the presidential elections, the result of which may influence the position it adopts regarding the transition in the IDB.

In institutional terms, it is an opportunity to renew the strategies through which the institution promotes its main objective: to achieve the development of Latin America and the Caribbean by improving the quality of life, reducing poverty and inequality. In this sense, participation in the IDB should encourage regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean and allow the development of the Bank as a bridge between the region and the world. Increasing regionalism and the participation of the countries that make up the region would strengthen the development paths and the insertion of Latin America and the Caribbean in the international context. In addition, it would allow the IDB to stand out as a Bank, not pro-American or pro-Chinese, but pro-Latin American, allowing a convergence between globalization and regionalization when it comes to pursuing development.

Finally, in terms of the qualities that the person designated for the presidency of the IDB should have, this is a great opportunity for a Latin American woman to take charge of the leadership of the institution.

In fact, the names of three Latin American women are beginning to resonate as potential candidates. Among them: Michelle Bachelet, former president of Chile, Laura Chinchilla, former president of Costa Rica; and Alicia Bárcena, head of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).

In this sense, some aspects are key: 1) that the person has outstanding training and experience and an effective modernization proposal for the Bank with an emphasis on social and environmental issues; 2) to adopt a clear and express commitment to multilateralism and the vindication of the legitimacy of the presidential position; and 3) that it complies with transparency, accountability and the participation of civil society in the actions of the Institution.

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Author

Victoria Marquez

Contact

Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

After receiving the support of the Chinese and Indian foreign ministers, Argentina is getting closer to becoming a member of the BRICS group – made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. For Argentina it could represent an opportunity taking into account the current situation in which our country finds itself in terms of external restrictions and financing deficit. However, it is also worth questioning what other implications this union could bring about.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

On July 8, Argentina took another step towards its rapprochement as a full member of the BRICS group; The event took place after Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi confirmed China’s support for Argentina to join the bloc. The meeting between the representatives of both countries took place in Bali, Indonesia, where the G20 Foreign Ministers meeting took place. In it, Foreign Minister Santiago Cafiero showed his interest in approaching the BRICS, highlighting the need to deepen multilateralism to accelerate the conclusion of agreements that are beneficial both for the region and for our country. Currently, the rotating presidency of the group is in charge of China, so its support and commitment to those countries that intend to join the bloc is essential. More recently, during his visit to Argentina, the Indian foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, ratified his support for Argentina’s advance towards the bloc. For Argentina, the incorporation into a group of such magnitudes represents a very tempting opportunity in view of the search for new commercial partners. But, what are the BRICS, and what would joining them mean for Argentina?

The term refers to the block made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Headquartered in Brasilia, these countries have been advocating common development for eighteen years, consolidating themselves as a relevant multilateral and strategic space that represents approximately half of the planet’s population and almost a quarter of the global economy. With a prominent role on the world stage, they seek to promote a new financial, economic and commercial architecture through different instruments such as, for example, international investment banks, among which we can highlight the New Development Bank (BDN) and the Contingency Reserves Agreement (ARC).

As an alternative to the conditionalities imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions, the New Development Bank offers better financing conditions for key infrastructure projects based on the principles of non-interference. In this sense, the BRICS countries reflect the growing influence of emerging economies worldwide, proposing themselves as an increasingly influential and alternative space to Western forces. However, we cannot fail to point out that each alternative and form of financing has its own advantages and complications. While the traditional Western proposals have greater restrictions, they are also characterized by being relatively more transparent and having relatively more robust regulatory and accountability frameworks. On the contrary, new alternatives can represent good sources of financing with fewer restrictions but with a great lack of transparency and accountability. As a consequence, the options should not be conceived as mutually exclusive, but rather as complementary.

Argentina sees the possibility of joining the BRICS as an opportunity to promote development and well-being, in addition to functioning as a channel for growing multilateralism and the reconfiguration of the world order. As it is a South-South cooperation platform made up of emerging economies, it could mean for our country a more equitable space for cooperation with greater margins of autonomy.

It is also important to highlight the role played by Argentina’s main trading partners: China and Brazil. During the last twenty years, China has gained an economic presence in the region, showing increasing interest in establishing new strategic associations with countries such as Brazil, Peru or Venezuela. Although it is not the first time that our country has turned its gaze towards new alternatives, it is essential to consider the consequences that could be triggered by such an association. They could be of an economic nature, since a reprimarization of the Argentine economy would be encouraged, or else, of a geopolitical nature, by generating greater tensions with Western partners such as the United States. For its part, the bloc is willing to work to open a path towards an international community characterized by dialogue, for which systemic rupture would be kept away.

In terms of foreign trade, the BRICS bring together 30% of Argentine exports, and provide 45% of our imports, so if the incorporation materializes, it would mean the possibility of obtaining financing and assistance for key projects. On the other hand, the transfer of knowledge in technology and innovation could also be encouraged, which would guarantee a shared cooperation that guarantees inclusion and similar visions.

In this way, it can be argued that being parte of the BRICS could represent a great opportunity for Argentina to strengthen ties with one of the blocks that has been gaining relevance at the international level and that, in addition, brings together two of the greatest powers in the world and with whom it maintains a bond of strategic character. However, the possible implications of such an association should not be overlooked, as well as the consideration that Argentina’s accession process to the BRICS must have the approval of all its member states, for which it may give rise to a procedure slow and extensive. In short, will Argentina be able to consolidate its entry into one of the groups with the greatest economic and geopolitical weight? And in that case, what will be in store for the country to be part of said bloc?

 

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Authors

Camila Busso

Candela Jauregui

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

The Comprehensive Gas Infrastructure Program – or the Trunk Gas Pipeline Program – promoted by the government of the Province of Córdoba, came to an end in 2019 with the completion of the works. By 2022, works continue at the municipal level, and the program has already begun its phase of connection to the natural gas network. However, there are still doubts about how citizens will be able to access the service, especially those who are located in vulnerable sectors.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Access to public information and transparency are constituted as a fundamental human right. People have the right to know what will be planned for their communities and based on this, make informed and pertinent decisions about the development processes that will affect their lives.

In the field of public policies, providing and guaranteeing access to public information is the cornerstone of good governance. Transparency is vital to enable individuals and communities to hold their institutions accountable and to foster trust in government and reduce corruption. Ensuring this right results in the generation of opportunities for citizens to learn, grow and make better decisions for themselves and those around them.

Reference to this is relevant when analyzing public policies and programs that aim to contribute to large-scale development. Such is the case of the Comprehensive Gas Infrastructure Program promoted by the Government of the Province of Córdoba. This series of infrastructure works began in 2015 and ended in 2019, with the purpose of “strengthening the natural gas supply to homes, businesses and industries.” According to the Government, 890 million dollars were invested to deploy 2,801 kilometers of pipes that will give the possibility of connecting to the natural gas network to 972,430 Cordovans without service. However, the planning began long before the year of implementation and under sustained skepticism due to the lack of information and transparency regarding its financing, its potential environmental and social impacts, the number of total beneficiaries, among others.

After the end of the project in 2019, there were still doubts about what the connection process would be like for the localities and how citizens would have effective access to the service. Similarly, there were also infrastructure works to be completed at the municipal level. By July 2021, the Government declared that 75 localities already had access to natural gas after the trunk gas pipeline program. Mention was made of the number of inhabitants who will benefit, without regard to information regarding their location and other data that show whether the gaps in inequality in access have begun to close or may be closed as a result of this work. This is of vital importance since the government also spoke about the Bancor credit network for homes and businesses, which would facilitate the connection and obtaining the service. It remained to be seen how those marginalized and vulnerable groups who will find it difficult to access this benefit will be supported, and who therefore will not have access to natural gas -or will be able to do so in the distant future.

Towards 2022 the doubts regarding the scope of this project for the population of Cordoba have not yet dissipated. According to Cordoba news portals, the connection of companies and businesses to the natural gas network is progressing at a much faster pace than the connection of homes. This discrepancy arises more than anything else because connecting to the network is expensive and involves decision-making at the family level. Even when the conditions have been provided to facilitate access – through credits, and the now confirmed support from the provincial government for vulnerable families – not all people are in equal conditions to quickly decide to join the network. In many cases, the connection also requires the structural adaptation of houses and the purchase of household appliances.
Regarding the latter, access to information and transparency play a fundamental role. In the first place, because if the project had been published and socialized correctly with the populations of the affected localities, the families could have decided to plan in advance the connection to the network. Secondly, the role played by government officials when informing and publishing the documentation regarding a project of this caliber is evidenced. This was left in the hands of the municipal level and its mayors, and in many cases their actions to inform the population were deficient -especially considering that works have also been needed at the municipal level to guarantee the connection-.
The practice of publishing information such as the publication of documents does not mean or result in an informed citizenry. Added to the open data and active transparency initiatives are actions aimed at informing the population, such as public consultations. These spaces work -or should work- as opportunities to socialize information about projects and public policies, obtain feedback from citizens and work on a co-creation process. During the beginning of the work of trunk gas pipelines, a good part of the challenges identified had to do with the lack of public consultations -required by law- and the general misinformation of the people about the possible impacts and benefits of the project.

Towards 2022 there is no accurate information on the works carried out in the localities and the public consultations that have been carried out with neighbors. The existence of these instances play a crucial role in citizen decision-making. Especially in these cases when it is a duty to report on the project, warn of the impacts, clarify the benefits and clarify the alternatives that families would have to access the network gas service.

In this sense, even though the work of the Trunk Gas Pipelines represents a great advance for the Province of Córdoba, and the possibility of closing the inequality gaps in access to natural gas, the serious problems regarding access to public information still stand out, transparency and accountability. A project of this magnitude should have had clear and concise information for the population from the beginning, communication channels with citizens, much more transparent work award processes, etc. The process has not yet finished, and there is an opportunity for the provincial government to make an effort to make transparent what remains to be done.

 

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Author

Agustina Palencia

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

*Photo taken from losprimeros.tv

On June 16, we participated in the WEBINAR in which the document was presented: “Investments of the Inter-American Development Bank for the response and recovery to COVID-19 in Latin America. Risks and benefits for whom?”, created in collaboration with more than 10 civil society organizations, including Fundeps.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

It is widely known that the Multilateral Development Banks have a fundamental role in the response and recovery to COVID – 19, this is due to their ability to rapidly mobilize financing to support and help countries respond to the impacts it has generated. this unforeseen situation. Within Latin America, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) plays a key role in this regard, since, in 2020, it approved 7.9 billion dollars and, as of June 2021, it had approved 597.6 billion dollars.

There is a tendency on the part of the Multilateral Development Banks to consider projects related to health issues, as having a lower risk of environmental and social damage, so the application of safeguards to these projects tends to be less rigorous. Added to this is the fact that many of the projects were approved with a rapid disbursement or fast track modality, that is, with shorter preparation times and environmental and social due diligence.

However, the findings of the presented report show that the implementation of this type of health projects and others in the context of the pandemic, have a significant risk of harm, especially when the groups most susceptible to contracting COVID-19 are excluded. of access to the benefits of the project. The context of crisis is worrying due to the tendency of the Multilateral Development Banks to make environmental and social parameters more flexible in pursuit of rapid responses.

The document presents six recommendations resulting from the analysis of the post-pandemic Latin American situation. They emphasize the importance of taking into account marginalized groups, such as those most likely to be affected and relegated in a crisis situation, and highlight the need for transparency and risk assessment to prevent extraordinary measures that restrict space from being perpetuated. public.

Within this framework, the webinar aimed to generate a space for discussion on the main findings in relation to the social and environmental due diligence processes of IDB investments, approved during the COVID-19 pandemic.

At Fundeps we promote the application of socio-environmental regulatory frameworks, accountability mechanisms and access to information in projects linked to financing for development, even (and even more so) when they occur in an extraordinary context of pandemic.

 

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Authors

  • Lourdes Alvarez Romagnoli
  • Valentina Rasso

Contact

Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

We present the 2021 Yearbook, a synthesis of the work we have carried out at Fundeps in a challenging year, with great struggles and achievements in pursuit of a more just, equitable and sustainable society.

Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website.

During 2021 we investigated, debated, proposed, worked, and participated in historic victories for human rights. Activities that are reflected in this new edition of the yearbook, which begins with a compilation of our actions in numbers and the main milestones we have achieved.

In addition, we share a summary of the activities carried out in the agendas of our 5 areas: Environment, Democracy, Gender and Sexual Diversity, Global Governance and Health.

2021 was also a year in which we promoted our institutional growth and participated in different activities and meetings to rethink ourselves. In this framework, we present our renewed mission and vision and the values ​​present in each of our initiatives.

We believe that collective action is the way to transform reality. For this reason, we want to thank our entire team, friendly organizations and donors, and those who support us every day to continue defending human rights.

SEE YEARBOOK 2021

Since 2021, Argentina officially integrates the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. For our country, the AIIB represents a new multilateral source of financing for strategic sectors such as infrastructure, energy, telecommunications and transportation, among others. However, the AIIB is a little-known bank. How does it work and what are the implications for the country of joining this institution promoted mainly by China? We present a new report with the analysis.

Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic.

On March 30, 2021, Argentina’s membership of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was made official. The AIIB officially began its activity in October 2014. It is a new multilateral development bank promoted mainly by China with a focus on investments in infrastructure, especially aimed at emerging countries. Its Asian origin does not limit its actions to a single region, since the Bank has a large number of member countries in other continents and projects financed in South America, Africa and Europe.

The model proposed by China has distinctive features. The dominant feature is that the investments are focused on infrastructure, connectivity and industrialization, marking an important difference with Western development financing entities that, in recent times, have oriented their loans mainly to institutional reforms, health projects, education or fighting against poverty, among others.
In this way, it postulates an interesting alternative for the financing of an infrastructure that is largely in deficit in Latin America and, particularly, in Argentina. For our country, the AIIB represents a new multilateral source of financing for strategic sectors and opens an opportunity to help solve its historical deficits in terms of infrastructure and connectivity. For its part, with still little participation from Latin America, the Asian Bank is consolidating itself as a viable option for the region in light of development goals. To date, five effective Latin American members are reported: Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Ecuador and Chile.

From its origins, the AIIB was presented as a different option to the historical Western multilateral development institutions such as the World Bank, the IDB or the International Finance Corporation (IFC). However, the AIIB has implemented a regulatory and operational framework very similar to that of those institutions, including policies for access to information, accountability, and environmental and social regulation to authorize disbursements. In turn, it contemplates cooperation and co-financing with other multilateral banks, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, adhering to their regulatory frameworks.

Despite this, since its entry into operations the Bank has received criticism from various sectors of civil society and affected communities that have questioned its actions in different development projects and even certain weaknesses in its regulatory framework.

In this sense, the implications that admission to the AIIB may have for Argentina depend largely on the type of relationship that the country establishes with the institution and the way in which it manages to take advantage of the potential financing resources for infrastructure that the Bank can provide. . Likewise, it is necessary to avoid repeating the problems related to public participation, access to information and socio-environmental impacts that have historically been associated with development projects financed by multilateral banks.

Given the general ignorance that exists in the country about this institution, it is important to analyze in depth what the Bank consists of, how it works and what the true implications of Argentine membership may be. To contribute to this objective, from Fundeps we present a report that analyzes part of these questions.

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The incorporation of Argentina to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank – Fundeps was approved
Argentina, one step away from becoming a member of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank – Fundeps
Are the brothers united? Profiling of the Sino-Argentine relationship in the government of Alberto Fernández – Fundeps
The role of the AIIB in the New Green Silk Road – Fundeps

Author

Camila Victoria Bocco

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

In the framework of the review process of the second Action Plan of the IDB Group-Civil Society (2022-2024), more than 20 civil society organizations sent a letter to the President of the IDB, Claver-Carone, with observations and recommendations to strengthen the IDB’s relationship with civil society and affected communities.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

While we welcome the fact that the IDB is reviewing the Action Plan to strengthen the relationship with civil society and affected communities, we believe that the way the review is being structured inhibits civil society participation in the process. For this reason, the recommendations sent to the President and his Executive Secretary are oriented in two ways:

  • On the one hand, the Bank is asked to provide specific spaces and complete and accessible information so that civil society, including indigenous peoples, local communities, people affected by IDB Group projects (including MICI applicants), and organizations critical to the IDB can participate and get involved effectively. In this sense, it is essential that agendas begin to be built in a participatory way, that invitations to consultations are at least 30 days in advance and that they include a wide range of stakeholders. The optimization and adjustment of public consultation processes is also necessary, since they are currently excessively rigid and do not promote a meaningful or direct discussion between the parties, ultimately generating low-productive inputs that continue to weaken transparency and accountability in the Bank.
  • On the other hand, it is emphasized that after the consultation or dialogue, the IDB must guarantee continuous communication that keeps the interested parties informed and provide information on how their contributions influenced the decisions taken.

We believe that the IDB Group’s commitment to civil society and communities affected has been and continues to be worryingly weak compared to other peer institutions. The IDB president has the opportunity to lead the change towards a more responsible bank and must foster an institutional culture in which it is accepted that the Bank makes mistakes and is more responsive not only to interactions and constructive criticism from external actors, including civil society and affected communities, but also to their internal accountability mechanisms.

To access the complete letter sent to the IDB, access here.

More information

How can the IDB Group strenghthen engagement with civil society and projects affected communities? – Bank Information Center (BIC)

Carta Grupo BID-Relacionamiento con Sociedad Civil

Recommendations to strengthen the IDB Group’s relationship with civil society and affected communities – Coalición para los Derechos Humanos en el Desarrollo

Author

Camila Victoria Bocco

Contact

Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

From October 25 to 29, the seventh session of the Intergovernmental Working Group was held in Geneva. Delegations from UN member states, movements and civil society organizations participated in the session, which discussed the Third Revised Draft of the binding Treaty on Human Rights and transnational corporations.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

The Open-ended Intergovernmental Working Group (IGWG) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2014 to develop a legally binding instrument to regulate the activities of transnational corporations with respect to human rights. From October 25 to 29, the seventh session of the IGWG was held in Geneva, which discussed the Third Revised Draft of the binding treaty on Human Rights and companies published on August 17, 2021. Not only representatives of the States participated in the session. members, but also civil society organizations and social movements.

The presidency of the IGWG, currently led by Ecuador, opened the seventh session stating that the negotiations should be “led by the States,” which raised concerns about how the contributions of civil society will be included, especially in a context where the that there is a continuous and broad participation of civil society organizations, trade unions, social movements and communities affected by the activities of transnational companies, and as this initiative is one of the most supported processes in the history of the IGWG from the ONU.

On the other hand, this year marked the 10th anniversary of the “Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights”, one of the most important initiatives at a global level in the protection of human rights in business activity and which constitutes a frame of reference in which complementary duties and responsibilities are explained and distributed between States and Companies. However, its application is voluntary. This anniversary will be the main theme of the United Nations Global Forum on Business and Human Rights that will take place from November 29 to December 1, and will offer the opportunity to evaluate the next achievements made to date, identifying gaps and challenges. , and to inspire renewed momentum for greater and better global enforcement by States and businesses in the next decade.

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Autor

Julieta Boretti

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

The VI Regional Forum on Business and Human Rights in Latin America and the Caribbean was held virtually from October 4 to 6, 2021, under the slogan “Building the business and human rights agenda for the next decade.”

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Ten years after the adoption of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (PRNU), the Forum was a great opportunity for reflection on the pending challenges and offered a space for dialogue between governments, companies, society civil society and other interested groups such as indigenous peoples, workers’ organizations and international organizations, on trends, challenges and good practices to prevent and address the negative impacts of companies on human rights.

The next decade of the Guiding Principles calls especially on the States of the world to redouble their commitments and take concrete actions to create the enabling conditions for the respect of human rights by companies. However, the participation of other interested parties in the framework of the construction and implementation of the business and human rights agenda has not only proven to be a necessity for legitimacy but also a guarantee for its effectiveness and continuity.

Furthermore, the current world situation and the context of economic reactivation and climate crisis, emphasize the importance of the existence of a business and human rights agenda committed to addressing structural problems that are exacerbated, such as inequality, poverty and informality. and in mitigating the negative effects on human rights caused by the pandemic.
In this scenario, reflect among the different parties involved on the opportunities in the region to build greater coherence between the related agendas and move decisively towards the prevention, mitigation and repair of the negative impacts of business activity on human rights and the environment, it becomes fundamental.

In line with its purpose, during the VI Regional Forum experiences have been discussed and shared in different areas that were included in panels such as: “The consolidation of international coherence for the next decade of Business and Human Rights in the region”, “The role of civil society”, “Instruments of public policy in Business and Human Rights”, “State of the process towards a legally binding instrument on Business and Human Rights”, among others. It should be noted that, prior to the start of the Forum, on October 4, there were different preparatory sessions. From Fundeps we also participate in the preparatory session for Civil Society Organizations.

We celebrate the enrichment of this meeting and reaffirm the need to continue actively participating and strengthening this type of spaces that seek to contribute to a greater implementation of the UNRP in Latin America and the Caribbean through greater appropriation and collective construction of concrete recommendations aimed at States, companies and other parties involved.

We also hope that the dialogue will be fruitful for all the actors and give a boost to the different initiatives in force at the global level for the protection and respect of human rights (such as the National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights or the International Legally Binding Instrument on Transnational Companies and other companies with respect to Human Rights) and that is not only limited to good intentions but also really serves to improve the relationship between business activity, workers, the environment and local communities.

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 VI Foro Regional sobre Empresas y Derechos Humanos en Latinoamérica y el Caribe

Se realizó el V Foro Regional sobre Empresas y Derechos Humanos para América Latina y el Caribe – Fundeps

We present comments on the draft treaty on business and human rights –Fundeps

The V Regional Forum on Business and Human Rights for Latin America and the Caribbean was held – Fundeps

Author

Camila Victoria Bocco

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

Within the framework of the day of access to public information, we presented the document “Access to Information in Argentina. Difficulties and lessons learned accessing information on infrastructure and energy projects with Chinese financing in the country ”.

The People’s Republic of China is the second world economy, with great relevance in international trade and financing and the provision of direct foreign investment, being Latin America, and in particular Argentina, one of the largest recipients of investments in infrastructure of Chinese origin .

Despite this, one of the main challenges that arise when analyzing the growing Chinese financing of projects both in the region and in Argentina, is the lack of transparency and the difficulty in being able to access detailed, accurate and official information about of these projects. Thus, in many cases, the scant information available about the investment amounts, the actors involved, the financing conditions or even the particularities of the projects, make it difficult to carry out a detailed follow-up and monitoring of them and even their impacts. and implications for the country or region where it is carried out.

At the same time, the evaluation of China’s compliance with the principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights carried out by the United Nations in the framework of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) shows that many development and infrastructure projects of Chinese companies are not compatible with human rights, nor respectful with the environment and the sustainability of natural resources, causing impacts not only economic but also social, environmental and cultural. Hence, the information on these projects must necessarily be transparent and provided in a timely and efficient manner, especially to those communities and populations that are affected by them.

Starting from this panorama, this publication seeks to identify difficulties and lessons learned from the practical experience of accessing information on infrastructure and energy projects with Chinese financing in Argentina. For this purpose, a series of requests for information were made within the framework of the Law on Access to Public Information No. 27,275 in force in the country. Likewise, the experience of access to information from state and non-state sources was evaluated, mainly portals and journalistic media that focus on Sino-Argentine ties.

Based on the identification of some of these existing difficulties when accessing information on the subject, reflections and lessons learned are provided that feed a list of recommendations aimed at strengthening the right of access to information in Argentina.
Transparency and correct and timely access to information are presented as key elements to better understand the growing participation of China in the financing of infrastructure and energy projects in our country. Precisely, access to information, transparency and infrastructure projects should go hand in hand if you want to achieve sustainable and quality infrastructure.

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Contact

  • Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org