Tag Archive for: Global Governance

More than twenty organizations from Latin America and the United States addressed a letter to the president of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) Ilan Goldfajn. They ask that the Bank strengthen its work by committing itself to respect for Human Rights and the protection of the environment and that spaces be created for greater articulation with civil society.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

The organizations, members and allies of the Coalition for Human Rights in Development alluded in the letter to the commitment assumed by Goldfajn in his inaugural speech as president of the Bank to “take advantage of all opportunities for dialogue” and collaboration with governments, the sector private sector, academia and civil society to solve regional problems.

To strengthen the articulation with civil society, the organizations urged the Bank to open a space for dialogue with civil society at its Annual Meetings, not only because it is a good practice implemented by other multilateral organizations, but also because it is a unique opportunity. to include communities affected by projects.

Since 2017, the group of signatory organizations of the letter has been monitoring and enriching the Bank’s policies and projects that it hopes to continue carrying out. The organizations have contributed to the IDB Environmental and Social Policy Framework, updates to the Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism policy, and the Bank’s Access to Information Policy review process.

The organizations seek the IDB to ensure in its practices and operations the promotion and respect of Human Rights, particularly of indigenous peoples, and the protection of key ecosystems in the fight against climate change.

The next Annual Meeting of the Boards of Governors of the IDB and IDB Invest will be held in Panama from March 16 to 19.

Signatory organizations:

  1. Accountability Counsel
  2. AMATE El Salvador
  3. Articulación Salvadoreña de Sociedad Civil para la Incidencia en las Instituciones Financieras Internacionales (ASIFI)
  4. Asociación Ambiente y Sociedad
  5. Asociación Interamericana para la Defensa del Ambiente (AIDA)
  6. Bank Information Center
  7. Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
  8. Coalición para los Derechos Humanos en el Desarrollo
  9. Cohesión Comunitaria e Innovación Social A.C. (México)
  10. Conectas Direitos Humanos
  11. Derecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (DAR, Perú)
  12. Ecoa – Ecologia e Ação
  13. Fundación para el Desarrollo de Políticas Sustentables (Fundeps)
  14. Fundación CAUCE: Cultura Ambiental – Causa Ecologista. (Argentina)
  15. Gender Action
  16. International Rivers
  17. International Accountability Project
  18. Mesa de Discapacidad y Derechos (Perú)
  19. Plataforma Internacional contra la Impunidad
  20. Protection International Mesoamérica
  21. Sociedad y Discapacidad – SODIS (Perú)
  22. Sustentarse (Chile)
  23. Wetlands International / Fundacion Humedales (Argentina)

Read the full letter here: Letter to IDB President

 

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This interactive map presents 9 cases of projects that have the participation and financing of Chinese companies, which are monitored by the Regional Group on Financing and Infrastructure (GREFI) and the Regional Coalition for Transparency and Participation in Peru, Argentina, Colombia and Brazil.

The objective is to make known the basic information of the projects, the location, the current situation and the socio-environmental impacts that have generated or that could be generated if they are implemented.

From the Regional Group on Financing and Infrastructure (GREFI) we held the workshop in 2021: “Follow-up on relations between China and America America: exchange of experiences”. This space brought together different civil society organizations, academia, indigenous leaders and journalists from the region who monitor the relationship between China and Latin America, or have been impacted by investments from the Asian country.

The objective of the space was to identify common issues and key elements of discussion, based on the work and the experience of monitoring and advocacy that serves to promote greater articulation between the actors, identify the differences, limitations and opportunities for joint work.

After participating in a series of face-to-face and virtual public consultations, a group of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) from the region sent comments and suggestions to the IDB in the framework of the revision of the Bank’s Access to Information Policy.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

On December 28, 2022, the deadline established by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) for sending comments on the draft of the institution’s new Access to Information Policy (PAI) ended. Thus concluded the Second Phase of the Public Consultation Process approved by the Bank and which lasted 90 days.

Within this framework, together with a group of Civil Society Organizations in the region, we sent a document with comments and recommendations in relation to the Draft Policy prepared by the Bank, which, although it incorporates some positive advances, is not enough to guarantee the right of access to information effectively in relation to the actions of the Bank and its customers.

Among the main recommendations and suggestions highlighted in the document, the following stand out:

  • Commitment to access to information as a fundamental human right. The Bank must establish clear commitments to guarantee respect for access to information as a fundamental human right. The right to information is also a key access right for the exercise of other fundamental rights, such as the consultation, participation and involvement of people and communities impacted by projects in decisions that affect or may have an impact on their ways of life. .
  • Implementation Guidelines. It is concerning that some criteria and parameters that will make the PAI effective are left to be addressed in the Implementation Guidelines. In this way, the effectiveness and force of the PAI will depend a lot on the Implementation Guidelines that do not require mandatory compliance as the PAI itself does. In turn, these Guidelines should be consulted through a meaningful participatory process with civil society.
  • Language ambiguity. The PAI contains a lot of ambiguous language and vague and diffuse commitments, which opens the door to different interpretations, including breaches and serious misconduct. Likewise, it prevents the establishment of clear requirements for the borrowers and also the responsibilities of the Bank itself. The Policy must avoid flexibility and ambiguity of language to prevent the use of discretion and non-compliance with respect to its guidelines.
  • Specification of what information is going to be published proactively, disclosure times, in what formats, channels and deadlines. The PAI must clearly establish what information it is going to proactively publish, through what channels or media, in what formats and in what terms. In turn, response times to requests for information are excessive, and the IDB reserves the right to extend these terms indefinitely. The Bank must define shorter and clearer terms in terms of its responses to requests for information, and must be aligned at least with the currently applicable international standards.
  • Country or customer proprietary information. Although the elimination of the “Exception specific information of countries” is celebrated, there is concern that other points of the policy may end up undermining the principle of maximum disclosure and the openness that is intended with such elimination.
  • Exceptions. The exceptions must be more precise and clear criteria must be established for their application, as well as the identification of the specific documents or information to which access will not be given under the exception.
  • Damage assessment. The inclusion of the assessment of the damage for the application of the exceptions is celebrated. However, clear criteria and scales must be specified to delimit its application. If an effort is not made to define these criteria and procedures in the body of the Policy (and leave them for the Implementation Guidelines), there is a risk that during their application discretionary use of exceptions will end up prevailing on the part of the Policy. of the Bank and borrowers. It is recommended to incorporate the criterion of public interest in the damage assessment, as a counterbalance to the damage, and to make the results of the damage assessment public in each specific case.
  • Open data, simple language, accessible formats and usability of the information. The information that is disclosed and published must be useful for those who request it, especially for the communities affected by IDB projects, paying attention to marginalized groups, such as indigenous peoples, Afro-descendants, people with disabilities, women, the LGBTIQ+ population, among others. others. The accessible format, the simple language and the generation of open data are related to the usability of the information. It is recommended that the IDB address the issue of accessible formats, simple language, and open data in more detail and in a transversal manner throughout the PAI, taking into account the importance of this aspect, especially for marginalized groups.

It should be noted that a large part of the recommendations and suggestions contained in the document were previously raised in the framework of the public consultations carried out by the IDB, both online and in person in Montevideo, Bogotá and Washington DC. Precisely, from Fundeps we participated in the face-to-face public consultation in Montevideo, Uruguay on November 15, 2022.

We hope that the inputs provided by civil society are considered by the Bank and contribute to strengthening the draft Access to Information Policy proposed by the institution, which is far from incorporating the highest standards in the matter.

To access the complete document with comments and suggestions sent to the IDB, access here

 

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Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship is coordinating the process of preparing a National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights. What are the progress so far and the next steps?

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

What are the National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights?

The National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights (PNAEDH) are transversal public policies whose objective is to address the obligation of the State to protect, respect and enforce human rights with respect to the negative consequences of business activities. Through these plans, governments seek to commit to the implementation of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP), as well as other business and human rights and Responsible Business Conduct (CER) standards.

The PNAEDH contribute to achieving greater coherence and coordination between the different regulatory frameworks and public policies with an impact on the issue of business and human rights, and contribute to the detection of obstacles and gaps. This makes it possible to establish priorities and commitments for action. Given its transversal and collaborative nature, its preparation requires the representative, broad and plural participation of multiple actors: State agencies, civil society organizations, academia, companies, business and worker organizations, indigenous peoples and potentially affected communities. , among others.

First steps

Argentina, based on recommendations received in the framework of the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council, assumed the commitment to prepare an Action Plan on Business and Human Rights, a fact that took place in view of its re-election to the Human Rights Council Human Rights on October 14, 2021. For the coordination and leadership of the process of elaboration of the Plan, the Human Rights Directorate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship of the Nation (MRECIC) was appointed.

Regarding the actions carried out, one of the first steps consisted in the preparation of a Roadmap, which was validated internally by the MRECIC. Next, according to official sources, a mapping of interest groups and agencies with an impact on the matter was carried out and the initiatives and policies, in the process of execution in the country, with some proximity to the matter of companies and human rights and , Responsible Business Conduct to identify possible alliances within the Government.

Priority areas of the Action Plan and preparation of the National Baseline

The Human Rights Directorate commissioned the National Ombudsman’s Office to prepare the National Baseline (LNB) that will serve as a central input for the design of the First Action Plan on Businesses and Human Rights in Argentina. The LNB is a study that allows evaluating the level of implementation of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights within a State. It is a preliminary diagnosis for the preparation of the Plan and generates the information required for subsequent planning by the person who formulates the public policy.

The National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights will include 11 thematic axes:

  1. Labor standards (child labor, forced labor, human trafficking, health and safety conditions, freedom of association);
  2. Gender equality (salary parity, access to hierarchical positions, harassment and violence in the world of work, care tasks, reconciliation of work and family life, etc.);
  3. Diversity and non-discrimination;
  4. Environment (environmental protection, participation and access to environmental public information, environmental impact assessment; climate change; energy transition);
  5. Companies and policies of Memory, Truth and Justice;
  6. Rights of consumers and users;
  7. Corporate governance (due diligence and remediation in companies – political commitments of companies on issues of human rights and good governance, business policies and international standards of business and human rights, sustainability reporting, risk management);
  8. Technology, personal data and privacy;
  9. Access to information and public participation in general;
  10. Promotion of the human rights of groups in situations of vulnerability and/or historically discriminated against (persons with disabilities, migrants, Afro-descendants, boys, girls and adolescents, LGBTIQ+ people, older people, people deprived of their liberty, indigenous peoples, defenders or others) and,
  11. Public Governance (ethics, integrity, transparency, access to information, anti-corruption, public procurement, management of public companies).

A participatory process

The process of elaboration of the National Base Line must be participatory and offer the possibility that the different parties related to the subject, as well as those people who have an interest, can collaborate. Within this framework, at the beginning of November 2022, in response to an invitation received, we sent inputs and recommendations on five of the aforementioned thematic axes: Environment, Rights of consumers and users, Corporate governance: due diligence and remediation in companies, Access to information and public participation in general, and Public Governance.

We also participated virtually in the first meeting with civil society and academia, organized by the National Ombudsman’s Office, for the preparation of the National Base Line for the National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights. Likewise, in the month of September, we were at the multi-stakeholder discussion table, organized by the CERALC project in Buenos Aires, in which the challenges, opportunities and prospects for advancing due diligence for responsible business conduct in Argentina were discussed. . It is worth mentioning that, from the beginning of the development of the PNAEDH, the Directorate has the support and technical advice of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) within the framework of the CERALC Project.

Next steps

According to the work calendar estimated by the national government, the process of elaboration of the Plan is divided into 4 main stages, each one of them with specific activities. The first is the preparation of the National Baseline. Then, as a second instance, capacity building for key actors. As a third stage, the drafting and approval of the PNAEDH is estimated, from January to March 2023. Finally, the publication of the PNAEDH is expected, approximately in June 2023.

Activities and estimated dates

  • Participatory spaces coordinated by the Ombudsman’s Office – September to October 2022
  • Preparation of the National Baseline by the National Ombudsman’s Office – July to November 2022
  • Trainings – October to November 2022
  • Drafting of PAN – January to March 2023
  • Consultations based on the draft PAN – March to May 2023
  • Presentation and publication of PAN – June 2023

Source: https://www.cancilleria.gob.ar/userfiles/recursos/plan-de-trabajo.pdf

The implementation of the business and human rights agenda represents an opportunity to which all stakeholders are called to contribute. It is time for an urgent, deep and real discussion that increases the chances that this global debate will be taken seriously, and evaluated from the perspective of public policies so that a very sober and voluntary National Action Plan is not their single destination.

 

More information

 

Authors

Camila Victoria Bocco

Camila Busso

 

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

*Photo taken from the official website of the Argentine Foreign Ministry

On November 20, the Board of Governors of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) appointed Brazilian candidate Ilan Goldfajn, former president of the Central Bank of Brazil and current director for the Western Hemisphere of the IMF, as its new president. After withdrawing the candidacy of Cecilia Todesca, the government of Alberto Fernández supported the candidate promoted by Brazil.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

On September 26, following the recommendations of the Board of Executive Directors, the Board of Governors of the IDB announced the termination of the executive functions of Mauricio Claver-Carone. After the announcement, and through an official statement, the selection process of the person in charge of the next presidency of the institution began.

The Board of Governors, the IDB’s highest authority, is made up of representatives of the 48 member countries, whose voting power varies according to the capital that the country subscribes to the institution. According to the organization’s press release, “to be elected, the candidate must obtain a majority of the voting power of the IDB member countries, as well as the support of at least 15 of the 28 regional member countries.”

In this way, the candidate must consecrate himself with the majority of the voting power of the member countries to be elected. Voting power fluctuates according to the number of shares owned by each state. The largest investor is the United States, which with 30% of the total funds has a key role in the election. They are followed by Argentina and Brazil, with 11.3% each. Mexico accounts for almost 7.3%, Japan 5%, Canada 4%, Venezuela 3.4% and Chile and Colombia 3.1%. The rest is divided into small percentages from different countries.

The new president of the Bank will assume his functions for a period of five years with the possibility of being re-elected only once, and will be responsible for managing the daily affairs of the Bank, as well as managing its operations together with the Presidential Office. The president also formulates proposals on the Bank’s general policy and presides over the meetings of the Board of Directors, being able to vote only in case of a tie.

The alliances behind the election

The new president-elect was consecrated with 80.8% of the votes, and was proposed by the government of Jair Bolsonaro in view of a candidate who would bring consensus to the region after turbulent periods for the Bank, following the dismissal of the former president Mauricio Claver-Carone for violations of the code of ethics. In this way, and thanks to the support of the United States, Canada, and at the last minute from Argentina, Ilan Goldfajn managed to position himself as the new president of the IDB.

It is worth noting the late support of Alberto Fernandez to back the candidacy of the Brazilian; despite his intention to position Cecilia Todesca Bocco as the first woman and the first Argentine to preside over the IDB. However, as a result of the change in its position and the support for Goldfajn, Argentina managed to keep three positions: the Vice Presidency of Sectors, the Infrastructure Management, and a new Institute of Gender and Equality, which will be part of the new management of the IDB.

With annual loans of around 14,000 million dollars, the IDB is the largest source of financing in the region and the change of leadership is essential for the institution to refocus its attention on Latin America after two years of a US presidency.

Prior to the appointment of Goldfajn, from Fundeps and together with a group of civil society organizations in the region, we present an open letter in which we urge those who make up the Board of Governors of the IDB to ensure a transparent selection process and urge the Bank to ensure that the designated person has:

  • Knowledge of the region and experience working with its institutions and communities.
  • Commitment to human rights, sustainable development and the work of human rights defenders.
  • Comprehensive experience and vision on sustainability and environmental protection.
  • Commitment and openness to include civil society and communities affected by the projects.
  • That it prioritize the discussion for the development of a framework for reparation to the affected communities.
  • Lead by example and act in accordance with the highest ethical standards.
  • Commitment to regional and international agreements and treaties that address climate change, the protection of biodiversity, the defense of human rights and sustainable development.

It remains to be seen if Goldfajn, in the course of his tenure, manages to live up to and meet at least part of these requirements. In any case, we believe that a historic opportunity has been wasted to finally position a woman in the presidency of the Bank, a pending account of this type of multilateral institutions. Beyond the progress made by the IDB in generating job opportunities for women and their number in management positions, it is estimated that 3 out of 14 seats on the executive boards are occupied by women; in the alternate executive directorates, out of 12 chairs, only one is occupied by a woman. What gives rise to the claim to this type of organizations to promote specific spaces for participation for women and dissidence in the most hierarchical positions, which allow breaking the glass ceiling.

More information:

Authors:

Candela Jauregui

Clara Labat

 

Contact:

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

Given the opening of a new election process for the presidency of the IDB group, civil society organizations in the region and communities affected by projects, we sent an open letter with recommendations on the profile of who will preside over the Bank.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

In the letter we urge those who make up the Board of Governors of the IDB to take advantage of this opportunity so that the person who is selected is someone with probity, capable of leading the transformations that the institution requires today and of effectively facing the emergencies and environmental and social challenges in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Likewise, we consider that the job description must be clear, the selection process transparent, and we urge the Bank that the person who is selected have:

  • Knowledge of the region and experience working with its institutions and communities. Commitment to human rights, sustainable development and the work of human rights defenders.
  • Comprehensive experience and vision on sustainability and environmental protection. Commitment and openness to include civil society and communities affected by the projects.
  • That it prioritize the discussion for the development of a framework for reparation to the affected communities. Lead by example and act in accordance with the highest ethical standards.
  • Commitment to regional and international agreements and treaties that address climate change, the protection of biodiversity, the defense of human rights and sustainable development.

The election is scheduled for November 20, with voting power varying according to the number of shares held by each member country. The person who is finally appointed to the presidency of the IDB Group has the opportunity to lead a Bank that is stronger, more responsible, more effective and, above all, closer to the peoples of the region, leading the way towards truly sustainable and inclusive development.

Contact

Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) announced in August the opening of the public consultation process to receive input on the proposal for the new Access to Information Policy (PAI). This process will last 150 days and will include asynchronous queries and direct exchanges.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

The Inter-American Development Bank is one of the main multilateral institutions that finances projects in a large part of the Latin American countries. In the IDB’s field of work, transparency and integrity are essential. It is in this area where reforms are promoted that seek to improve the quality of regulations and institutions, as well as expand access to information.

In this sense, the IDB announced a new Access to Information Policy Proposal, which will replace the Bank’s current Access to Information Policy, in force since 2011. It is around this new draft that the public consultation is carried out. , which was launched on August 29 of the current year and will last 150 days.
The objective of the public consultation lies in the possibility of receiving, either in written or verbal form, opinions and inputs from those parties that want to contribute to enriching the quality of the document and the organization’s understanding of the perspectives and perceptions of the various civil society actors regarding access to information on Bank activities in the region.

The period of time stipulated by the procedure is divided into three phases. Initially, in September, three virtual synchronous dialogues were established (in English, Spanish and Portuguese), which will allow the Bank to collect opinions and identify new references that can enrich the new PAI. As of October, the second part of the procedure began, we are talking about the asynchronous consultation phase, which will be available for a period of 90 days, where the final version of the new PAI document will be strengthened. Face-to-face meetings will also be held in Costa Rica (October 25), Uruguay (November 15) and in a Caribbean country not yet defined (November 3). In principle, to participate in the virtual consultation instances, it will be necessary to register in advance on the Virtual Platform for Public Consultation Processes and request access to the consultation. Finally, regarding the third phase, it has a stipulated duration of 30 days throughout the month of March and seeks to inform the participants about the closure of the consultation process and the inputs received and considered, both those that were included as those that were not included in the final version of the policy approved by the Board of Executive Directors.

Since one of our main pillars of work is based on transparency, we have sent a letter, along with other regional civil society organizations, detailing our concerns and recommendations to strengthen and improve the consultation process. They are structured in seven main pillars, among which we can mention: update and organize the information regarding the consultation process in a single place on the IDB website to ensure that all interested parties and affected communities are effectively informed ; incorporate a 30-day public period to submit comments and recommendations to a second draft of the IAP; proactively solicit input from stakeholders to facilitate their participation in consultation processes, so that civil society has the opportunity to shape the debate; eliminate the barriers that exist in the consultation plan to guarantee effective participation, barriers that revolve around, above all, the electronic platform, which is a condition to be able to participate in this instance; confirm and disseminate in advance the calendar with the dates and places of the face-to-face consultations planned for the second phase; open a public comment instance for the implementation guidelines of the future PAI; and, finally, meeting with civil society at the Annual Meeting of the IDB Group in Panama 2023.

In this way, we hope to be able to collaborate with the IDB’s management to ensure that the consultation process is truly fruitful and participatory and that it enables the Bank’s new Access to Information Policy to be strengthened and perfected.

To access the draft of the new policy that is being submitted for public consultation, click here. Comments and suggestions on the draft can be sent to the following email: consultapai@iadb.org

More information:

Author
Valentina Raso

Contact
Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

Within the framework of the current review process of the IDB Access to Information Policy, Fundeps, the Environment and Natural Resources Foundation (FARN) and the CAUCE Foundation: Environmental Culture – Ecological Cause held, on September 29, the webinar “Review of the IDB Access to Information Policy. An opportunity to improve the transparency of the Bank”. The event discussed the shortcomings of the current policy under review, the difficulties in its implementation and the priorities regarding the ongoing public consultation process.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

The Access to Information Policy (PAI) of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) has become outdated. It dates from 2010 and its entry into force is dated 2011. So far it has not been modified, despite the fact that the current context is far from the rights acquired by people from the regulatory advances in terms of citizen participation and access to information and justice. At the end of 2019, the IDB began a review process of its Access to Information Policy that was suspended months later and has recently been reactivated.

In this context, it is necessary to underline that the right to information is a fundamental human right, as a necessary condition for people, communities and organizations to be informed and actively participate in decision-making processes, as well as being a pillar of transparency and accountability.

Based on the above, the webinar was structured in 3 main moments: to begin, the report “Flaws in the Inter-American Development Bank’s Access to Information Policy” was presented, prepared jointly by the 3 organizations mentioned above, which Its objective is to analyze the normative aspects contained in the current PAI and the difficulties in its implementation, the review process initiated and the intended policy profile. Likewise, its shortcomings and recommendations for strengthening the PAI were identified, with the ultimate goal of effectively guaranteeing the right of access to information. Second, the current status of the PAI review process was emphasized. Finally, from the Chilean organization Sustentarse, they commented on experiences and practical cases in Latin America in which it is possible to perceive the shortcomings that the IDB still has in terms of access to information. The webinar ended with questions and reflections from the people who spoke and attended the event.

To view the recorded webinar, click here

More information

Author

Camila Victoria Bocco

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

On Monday, September 26, following the recommendations of the IDB’s Board of Executive Directors, the Board of Governors decreed the termination of Claver-Carone’s functions as President of the Bank after the violation of various ethical standards of the institution, which marked the opening of a period of 45 days for the countries to propose their candidatures. During this period, the executive vice president, Reina Irene Mejía Chacón, will act as president under the direction of the Executive Board.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Two years ago, in October 2020, Donald Trump promoted the American Mauricio Claver-Carone to the presidency of the IDB. The context was advantageous for Washington as it was the first American presidency since the organization’s creation.

It should be remembered that although the IDB Constitutive Agreement does not establish any conditions in relation to the nationality of the person who should hold the presidency, there is an unwritten rule since its very creation by which the organization must be directed by a person from the region. It was even one of the conditions for which it was finally accepted that the Bank’s headquarters be in Washington DC.

In terms of geopolitics, this strategy constituted the IDB as a vehicle through which the United States could increase its influence in the Latin American region and achieve a balance of institutional power: it could discern regarding the granting and destination of credits by the institution and thus dissipate the presence of other powers in the region, as is the case of the Chinese giant.

The origins of the Claver-Carone impeachment

The Board of Governors’ decision dates back to an anonymous misconduct complaint filed against Claver-Carone. From this, the board hired the legal firm Davis Polk to investigate the facts. As a result of the results of the investigation, the decision was made to dismiss the leader of the institution. Claver-Carone is accused of having maintained a romantic relationship with an employee and of having benefited her financially, which implies the violation of several internal ethical standards of the agency, while the IDB prohibits intimate relationships of superior personnel with direct dependents. The complaint was aggravated by Claver-Carone’s refusal to cooperate fully with the investigation and by creating a climate of fear of retaliation among Bank staff.

In this way, the deficit of legitimacy that accompanied the origins of the Claver-Carone presidency, was combined with a deficit of legitimacy, and today they lead to a crisis of leadership.

In this context, while waiting for the candidacy proposals for the presidency of the IDB, it is worth asking what are the alternatives at the regional and institutional level?

In terms of regionalism, this is an excellent opportunity to renew the (deteriorated) intra-regional dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean and deepen consensus-building practices. In order for the region to obtain an advantage in the presidential elections of the international organization, it should achieve consensus and convergence when choosing candidates. In this way, it would prevent a repetition of the 2020 scenario where having offered several candidacies eroded the chances of winning the elections.

In particular, Brazil could take advantage of this scenario to renew its regional leadership role, as it is one of the Bank’s largest shareholders along with Argentina and the United States, together with almost 53% of the voting power. In any case, the country is currently immersed in the campaign for the presidential elections, the result of which may influence the position it adopts regarding the transition in the IDB.

In institutional terms, it is an opportunity to renew the strategies through which the institution promotes its main objective: to achieve the development of Latin America and the Caribbean by improving the quality of life, reducing poverty and inequality. In this sense, participation in the IDB should encourage regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean and allow the development of the Bank as a bridge between the region and the world. Increasing regionalism and the participation of the countries that make up the region would strengthen the development paths and the insertion of Latin America and the Caribbean in the international context. In addition, it would allow the IDB to stand out as a Bank, not pro-American or pro-Chinese, but pro-Latin American, allowing a convergence between globalization and regionalization when it comes to pursuing development.

Finally, in terms of the qualities that the person designated for the presidency of the IDB should have, this is a great opportunity for a Latin American woman to take charge of the leadership of the institution.

In fact, the names of three Latin American women are beginning to resonate as potential candidates. Among them: Michelle Bachelet, former president of Chile, Laura Chinchilla, former president of Costa Rica; and Alicia Bárcena, head of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).

In this sense, some aspects are key: 1) that the person has outstanding training and experience and an effective modernization proposal for the Bank with an emphasis on social and environmental issues; 2) to adopt a clear and express commitment to multilateralism and the vindication of the legitimacy of the presidential position; and 3) that it complies with transparency, accountability and the participation of civil society in the actions of the Institution.

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Author

Victoria Marquez

Contact

Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

After receiving the support of the Chinese and Indian foreign ministers, Argentina is getting closer to becoming a member of the BRICS group – made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. For Argentina it could represent an opportunity taking into account the current situation in which our country finds itself in terms of external restrictions and financing deficit. However, it is also worth questioning what other implications this union could bring about.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

On July 8, Argentina took another step towards its rapprochement as a full member of the BRICS group; The event took place after Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi confirmed China’s support for Argentina to join the bloc. The meeting between the representatives of both countries took place in Bali, Indonesia, where the G20 Foreign Ministers meeting took place. In it, Foreign Minister Santiago Cafiero showed his interest in approaching the BRICS, highlighting the need to deepen multilateralism to accelerate the conclusion of agreements that are beneficial both for the region and for our country. Currently, the rotating presidency of the group is in charge of China, so its support and commitment to those countries that intend to join the bloc is essential. More recently, during his visit to Argentina, the Indian foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, ratified his support for Argentina’s advance towards the bloc. For Argentina, the incorporation into a group of such magnitudes represents a very tempting opportunity in view of the search for new commercial partners. But, what are the BRICS, and what would joining them mean for Argentina?

The term refers to the block made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Headquartered in Brasilia, these countries have been advocating common development for eighteen years, consolidating themselves as a relevant multilateral and strategic space that represents approximately half of the planet’s population and almost a quarter of the global economy. With a prominent role on the world stage, they seek to promote a new financial, economic and commercial architecture through different instruments such as, for example, international investment banks, among which we can highlight the New Development Bank (BDN) and the Contingency Reserves Agreement (ARC).

As an alternative to the conditionalities imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions, the New Development Bank offers better financing conditions for key infrastructure projects based on the principles of non-interference. In this sense, the BRICS countries reflect the growing influence of emerging economies worldwide, proposing themselves as an increasingly influential and alternative space to Western forces. However, we cannot fail to point out that each alternative and form of financing has its own advantages and complications. While the traditional Western proposals have greater restrictions, they are also characterized by being relatively more transparent and having relatively more robust regulatory and accountability frameworks. On the contrary, new alternatives can represent good sources of financing with fewer restrictions but with a great lack of transparency and accountability. As a consequence, the options should not be conceived as mutually exclusive, but rather as complementary.

Argentina sees the possibility of joining the BRICS as an opportunity to promote development and well-being, in addition to functioning as a channel for growing multilateralism and the reconfiguration of the world order. As it is a South-South cooperation platform made up of emerging economies, it could mean for our country a more equitable space for cooperation with greater margins of autonomy.

It is also important to highlight the role played by Argentina’s main trading partners: China and Brazil. During the last twenty years, China has gained an economic presence in the region, showing increasing interest in establishing new strategic associations with countries such as Brazil, Peru or Venezuela. Although it is not the first time that our country has turned its gaze towards new alternatives, it is essential to consider the consequences that could be triggered by such an association. They could be of an economic nature, since a reprimarization of the Argentine economy would be encouraged, or else, of a geopolitical nature, by generating greater tensions with Western partners such as the United States. For its part, the bloc is willing to work to open a path towards an international community characterized by dialogue, for which systemic rupture would be kept away.

In terms of foreign trade, the BRICS bring together 30% of Argentine exports, and provide 45% of our imports, so if the incorporation materializes, it would mean the possibility of obtaining financing and assistance for key projects. On the other hand, the transfer of knowledge in technology and innovation could also be encouraged, which would guarantee a shared cooperation that guarantees inclusion and similar visions.

In this way, it can be argued that being parte of the BRICS could represent a great opportunity for Argentina to strengthen ties with one of the blocks that has been gaining relevance at the international level and that, in addition, brings together two of the greatest powers in the world and with whom it maintains a bond of strategic character. However, the possible implications of such an association should not be overlooked, as well as the consideration that Argentina’s accession process to the BRICS must have the approval of all its member states, for which it may give rise to a procedure slow and extensive. In short, will Argentina be able to consolidate its entry into one of the groups with the greatest economic and geopolitical weight? And in that case, what will be in store for the country to be part of said bloc?

 

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Authors

Camila Busso

Candela Jauregui

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

The Comprehensive Gas Infrastructure Program – or the Trunk Gas Pipeline Program – promoted by the government of the Province of Córdoba, came to an end in 2019 with the completion of the works. By 2022, works continue at the municipal level, and the program has already begun its phase of connection to the natural gas network. However, there are still doubts about how citizens will be able to access the service, especially those who are located in vulnerable sectors.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Access to public information and transparency are constituted as a fundamental human right. People have the right to know what will be planned for their communities and based on this, make informed and pertinent decisions about the development processes that will affect their lives.

In the field of public policies, providing and guaranteeing access to public information is the cornerstone of good governance. Transparency is vital to enable individuals and communities to hold their institutions accountable and to foster trust in government and reduce corruption. Ensuring this right results in the generation of opportunities for citizens to learn, grow and make better decisions for themselves and those around them.

Reference to this is relevant when analyzing public policies and programs that aim to contribute to large-scale development. Such is the case of the Comprehensive Gas Infrastructure Program promoted by the Government of the Province of Córdoba. This series of infrastructure works began in 2015 and ended in 2019, with the purpose of “strengthening the natural gas supply to homes, businesses and industries.” According to the Government, 890 million dollars were invested to deploy 2,801 kilometers of pipes that will give the possibility of connecting to the natural gas network to 972,430 Cordovans without service. However, the planning began long before the year of implementation and under sustained skepticism due to the lack of information and transparency regarding its financing, its potential environmental and social impacts, the number of total beneficiaries, among others.

After the end of the project in 2019, there were still doubts about what the connection process would be like for the localities and how citizens would have effective access to the service. Similarly, there were also infrastructure works to be completed at the municipal level. By July 2021, the Government declared that 75 localities already had access to natural gas after the trunk gas pipeline program. Mention was made of the number of inhabitants who will benefit, without regard to information regarding their location and other data that show whether the gaps in inequality in access have begun to close or may be closed as a result of this work. This is of vital importance since the government also spoke about the Bancor credit network for homes and businesses, which would facilitate the connection and obtaining the service. It remained to be seen how those marginalized and vulnerable groups who will find it difficult to access this benefit will be supported, and who therefore will not have access to natural gas -or will be able to do so in the distant future.

Towards 2022 the doubts regarding the scope of this project for the population of Cordoba have not yet dissipated. According to Cordoba news portals, the connection of companies and businesses to the natural gas network is progressing at a much faster pace than the connection of homes. This discrepancy arises more than anything else because connecting to the network is expensive and involves decision-making at the family level. Even when the conditions have been provided to facilitate access – through credits, and the now confirmed support from the provincial government for vulnerable families – not all people are in equal conditions to quickly decide to join the network. In many cases, the connection also requires the structural adaptation of houses and the purchase of household appliances.
Regarding the latter, access to information and transparency play a fundamental role. In the first place, because if the project had been published and socialized correctly with the populations of the affected localities, the families could have decided to plan in advance the connection to the network. Secondly, the role played by government officials when informing and publishing the documentation regarding a project of this caliber is evidenced. This was left in the hands of the municipal level and its mayors, and in many cases their actions to inform the population were deficient -especially considering that works have also been needed at the municipal level to guarantee the connection-.
The practice of publishing information such as the publication of documents does not mean or result in an informed citizenry. Added to the open data and active transparency initiatives are actions aimed at informing the population, such as public consultations. These spaces work -or should work- as opportunities to socialize information about projects and public policies, obtain feedback from citizens and work on a co-creation process. During the beginning of the work of trunk gas pipelines, a good part of the challenges identified had to do with the lack of public consultations -required by law- and the general misinformation of the people about the possible impacts and benefits of the project.

Towards 2022 there is no accurate information on the works carried out in the localities and the public consultations that have been carried out with neighbors. The existence of these instances play a crucial role in citizen decision-making. Especially in these cases when it is a duty to report on the project, warn of the impacts, clarify the benefits and clarify the alternatives that families would have to access the network gas service.

In this sense, even though the work of the Trunk Gas Pipelines represents a great advance for the Province of Córdoba, and the possibility of closing the inequality gaps in access to natural gas, the serious problems regarding access to public information still stand out, transparency and accountability. A project of this magnitude should have had clear and concise information for the population from the beginning, communication channels with citizens, much more transparent work award processes, etc. The process has not yet finished, and there is an opportunity for the provincial government to make an effort to make transparent what remains to be done.

 

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Author

Agustina Palencia

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

 

*Photo taken from losprimeros.tv